Will McCain use NATO to enforce international law and act as the
military arm of the U.N., as Biden suggested? Or will McCain use NATO
strictly to enforce the 'collective will' of NATO nations?
Senator John McCain and his presidential campaign issued a press
release followed by a policy address in early 2008 outlining his foreign
policy positions. McCain expressed support for: an international 'cap-and-trade
system' for 'substantially reducing greenhouse gas emissions'; economic
assistance for Africa; creating 'new international institutions';
expansion of NATO membership; a transformation of NATO's mission;
and a 'global League of Democracies' with NATO at its core for the
'advancement of global democratic principles' and a 'new global order
of peace'.
The February 8, 2008, McCain press release titled, Senator McCain
Urges NATO Renaissance, stated:
"The charge before the transatlantic community today is to
establish the basis for a new global order of peace, one that will
last not just for a decade but for the rest of this century. And
as we move forward, we know that there can be no true and lasting
peace unless it is built on a foundation of freedom. Today we need
a rebirth of NATO, a renaissance of the transatlantic relationship
to extend peace, prosperity, and democracy far into the 21st century.
"The first step toward a rejuvenated NATO could begin at the
Bucharest summit....
"The future of NATO lies not only in expanding its membership,
transforming its mission, and deepening its commitments. It lies
also in cooperating with states far from our shores. Today NATO
and the European Union together comprise only a quarter of the more
than 120 democracies around the world. Some - like Japan, Australia,
and India - are proud, powerful and progressive nations committed
to the values that have given our alliance such enduring strength.
The 21st century world no longer divides neatly into geographic
regions. Ideas, innovations and cultural influences travel rapidly
and freely today as goods, services and capital. Moving just as
rapidly are environmental calamities, diseases, international criminal
rings, terrorist organizations, and the technologies of mass destruction.
Our alliance must be as international in scope - partnering with
willing democracies all over the world - as the challenges we confront.
"NATO should partner with countries across the
globe to address common threats. At the same time, we should work
toward a global League of Democracies - one that would have NATO members
at its core - dedicated to the defense and advancement of global democratic
principles." [1]
Remarks by John McCain to the Los Angeles World Affairs Council on
March 26, 2008 further clarified his foreign policy objectives:
"We must be strong politically, economically, and militarily.
But we must also lead by attracting others to our cause, by demonstrating
once again the virtues of freedom and democracy, by defending the
rules of international civilized society and by creating the new
international institutions necessary to advance the peace and freedoms
we cherish. Perhaps above all, leadership in today's world means
accepting and fulfilling our responsibilities as a great nation.
"One of those responsibilities is to be a good
and reliable ally to our fellow democracies. We cannot build an enduring
peace based on freedom by ourselves, and we do not want to. We have
to strengthen our global alliances as the core of a new global compact
-- a League of Democracies -- that can harness the vast influence
of the more than one hundred democratic nations around the world to
advance our values and defend our shared interests....
"We need to listen to the views and respect the collective
will of our democratic allies....
"There is such a thing as international good
citizenship. We need to be good stewards of our planet and join with
other nations to help preserve our common home. The risks of global
warming have no borders. We and the other nations of the world must
get serious about substantially reducing greenhouse gas emissions
in the coming years or we will hand off a much-diminished world to
our grandchildren. We need a successor to the Kyoto Treaty, a cap-and-trade
system that delivers the necessary environmental impact in an economically
responsible manner. We Americans must lead by example and encourage
the participation of the rest of the world, including most importantly,
the developing economic powerhouses of China and India....
"The United States did not single-handedly win the Cold War;
the transatlantic alliance did, in concert with partners around
the world. The bonds we share with Europe in terms of history, values,
and interests are unique. Americans should welcome the rise of a
strong, confident European Union as we continue to support a strong
NATO. The future of the transatlantic relationship lies in confronting
the challenges of the twenty-first century worldwide: developing
a common energy policy, creating a transatlantic common market tying
our economies more closely together, addressing the dangers posed
by a revanchist Russia, and institutionalizing our cooperation on
issues such as climate change, foreign assistance, and democracy
promotion.
"We should start by ensuring that the G-8, the group of eight
highly industrialized states, becomes again a club of leading market
democracies: it should include Brazil and India but exclude Russia.
Rather than tolerate Russia's nuclear blackmail or cyber attacks,
Western nations should make clear that the solidarity of NATO, from
the Baltic to the Black Sea, is indivisible and that the organization's
doors remain open to all democracies committed to the defense of
freedom.
"While Africa's problems -- poverty, corruption,
disease, and instability -- are well known, we must refocus on the
bright promise offered by many countries on that continent. We must
strongly engage on a political, economic, and security level with
friendly governments across Africa, but insist on improvements in
transparency and the rule of law. Many African nations will not reach
their true potential without external assistance to combat entrenched
problems, such as HIV/AIDS, that afflict Africans disproportionately.
I will establish the goal of eradicating malaria on the continent
-- the number one killer of African children under the age of five.
In addition to saving millions of lives in the world's poorest regions,
such a campaign would do much to add luster to America's image in
the world.
"We also share an obligation with the world's other great
powers to halt and reverse the proliferation of nuclear weapons.
The United States and the international community must work together
and do all in our power to contain and reverse North Korea's nuclear
weapons program and to prevent Iran -- a nation whose President
has repeatedly expressed a desire to wipe Israel from the face of
the earth -- from obtaining a nuclear weapon. We should work to
reduce nuclear arsenals all around the world, starting with our
own. Forty years ago, the five declared nuclear powers came together
in support of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and pledged to
end the arms race and move toward nuclear disarmament. The time
has come to renew that commitment. We do not need all the weapons
currently in our arsenal. The United States should lead a global
effort at nuclear disarmament consistent with our vital interests
and the cause of peace.
"If we are successful in pulling together a global
coalition for peace and freedom -- if we lead by shouldering our international
responsibilities and pointing the way to a better and safer future
for humanity, I believe we will gain tangible benefits as a nation."
[2]
McCain's vision is far from original. Many influential
persons have championed a foreign policy based on alliances, international
institutions, and economic and political integration as far back as
the Wilson Administration and the Progressive Era.
One recent example of federal officials openly promoting internationalism
occurred during the nomination hearing of Warren M. Christopher for
Secretary of State in the United States Senate on January 13, 1993.
The opening statement of Senator Joseph Biden (D-DE):
"As you and I have discussed, I believe the new administration
faces two overarching imperatives: to revitalize the American economy
and to foster the creation of a new world order. Neither task can
be neglected or postponed, but must be pursued with equal energy.
"You know that my own concept for shaping a new
world order has four components. The first - cementing the Democratic
foundation - means promoting democracy everywhere we can, but especially
among the major powers.
"Our first priority must be the former members of the Warsaw
Pact. American national security interests depend on the survival
and success of Russian democracy. Investing wisely in Russian democracy
is investing in American security. We should also, I believe, promote
democracy in China through a powerful and proven weapon: "freedom
broadcasting," as mandated by the legislation this committee
approved last fall.
"The second leg is forging a new strategy of
containment. It means empowering multilateral agencies and regimes
to stop the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. We must
direct this containment strategy not against a particular nation or
ideology, but against a pernicious technological threat. To pursue
this strategy will require reorganizing our own Government to give
proliferation a priority that this threat demands.
"Third - organizing for collective security - means strengthening
the U.N. by assigning to the Security Council certain predesignated
military forces and facilities: a conception unanimously endorsed
by this committee last October. It also means converting NATO into
a military instrument for peacekeeping, and peacemaking, under U.N.
or CSCE auspices.
"Collective security, a multinational commitment
to repel aggression and defend the peace, was the central precept
of Woodrow Wilson's vision. Wilson recognized it as a principle so
essential to world order that he would not yield it in the fight over
the ratification of the Versailles Treaty. It is the principle that
the Senate finally accepted in 1949 with the advent of NATO, though
it took the carnage of the Second World War to prove Wilson right.
And it is that principle we must now extend, by empowering the U.N.
and transforming the Atlantic alliance.
"Fourth, launching an economic-environmental revolution, means
protecting and perfecting the free trade regime by completing the
new GATT agreement, and then acting to reorient the world economy
to environmentally sound methods of production and consumption.
And I would point out that I think that Governor Clinton is off
to a good start with his meeting with President Salinas by indicating
that NAFTA must, in fact, better embody that environmentally sound
notion than it currently does.
"Today we stand at the threshold of this new
world order. I believe the people and governments, in growing numbers
worldwide, recognize what needs to be done. And I believe the American
people are prepared to see the United States take the lead in engineering
sweeping, visionary change....
"Mr. Secretary, the Clinton administration advances a compelling
vision for a new world and begins the necessary transformation of
our international institutions to meet the demands of that new world.
I believe you can expect Congress to support you energetically and
enthusiastically on both sides of the aisle. I sincerely urge you,
as I did in our private meeting, to be bold. I sincerely urge you
to suggest to the President of United States, when confirmed, that
this is not a time for timidity, this is a time for bold vision.
"Without U.S. world leadership, I think there
is no real possibility of putting together a new world order that
bodes well for our children and our grandchildren." [3]
